Saturday, June 28, 2014

Comparative study of the constitution of Pakistan and India

Introduction
A constitution is the framework of a government's institutions; it describes structural arrangements, allocates functional powers and establishes limits to political authority. It is a supreme law of the nation-state and reflects its character and political culture. Therefore the performance of even artfully drafted constitution largely depends upon various historical, social, ideological, economic and political factors of the state it represents. The problem and issues of governance, thus, cannot be resolved solely through constitution making. Pakistan and India's experience represents a case in point.
India and Pakistan inherited the British Indian system of governance, modified to transfer all powers to the newly elected constituent assemblies of each state under the Indian Independence Act 1947. The Government of India Act 1935 was modified to serve as the interim constitutional document for each country, until they pass their own constitutions. After three years' discussions and debates, India adopted its Constitution in November 1949 which came into effect on 26th January, 1950. On the other hand Pakistan has had complex constitutional history. It has had four constitutions in its brief history including the inherited Government of India Act 1935 adopted at the time of independence and three indigenous constitutions (1956, 1962 &1973). Pakistan has also been governed without the benefit of written constitutions, through Provisional Constitutional Orders. Pakistan's fourth Constitution was approved by the National Assembly on 10 April, 1973 and became operative on 14 August, 1973. Since then, the country has experienced two military rules; during these periods the 1973 Constitution was held in abeyance twice, from 1977-1985 and 1999-2002.
The 1973 Constitution of Pakistan calls for, like the Indian Constitution, federal and parliamentary systems of government. Both constitutions incorporate the lists of fundamental rights and directive principles. This paper focuses on five critical areas of the Indian and Pakistani Constitutions:

Center-Province/State Relations
President and Cabinet
Supremacy of Parliament
Civil-Military Relations, and
Constitutional Amendments
PAKISTAN AND INDIA

Center - Province/ State Relations
Both constitutions establish federal systems by distributing powers between the center and federal units. Nevertheless, both systems show a tendency towards centralized control and authority, tilting the balance in favor of the federal government. They provide for different schemes, while following the principle of division of powers. The Indian Constitution includes an elaborate scheme. Article 246, provides for three functional areas: an exclusive area of jurisdiction for the center, the area for states and common or concurrent areas in which both center and states could legislate. However, the concurrent field is subject to overall supremacy of the center. The residuary powers are also vested with the Parliament, which is authorized to legislate with respect to any matter, not enumerated in any of three lists. On the other hand, the Constitution of Pakistan (1973) provides only two lists of subjects, one deals with federal affairs on which the federal government has the authority to legislate; the second relates to concurrent affairs on which both the central as well as provincial legislatures can legislate, however the supremacy of central legislation is maintained in case of conflict. There is no separate list, dealing specifically with provincial jurisdiction. The residuary powers are given to provinces. Vesting the residuary powers to provinces does not provide a marked difference vis-à-vis Indian Constitution as both lists in 1973 Constitution are so exhaustive that they left limited scope for provinces.
Both constitutions provide for bi-cameral Legislature; whereas, 1973 Constitution of Pakistan provides for the equality of units in the upper house (Senate), the Indian Constitution does not follow the principle of equality of units in its upper house (Rajya Sabha). Instead of parity, the distribution of seats is mainly on population basis. An exclusive feature of the Indian Constitution is the center's authority to change the territorial boundaries of states. The Parliament can alter or abolish the boundaries to make a new state without obtaining state's approval, whereas in Pakistan any such legislation needs ratification from the respective provincial assembly.

Administrative Relations
The administrative relations between the center and provinces/states under both constitutions show the tendency towards centralization. The constitutions provide that law and order is the primary responsibility of provincial/state government but if the center finds that the provincial/state government fails to provide required security to the people, it can intervene on the pretext of maintaining law and order. Moreover, the provincial/state government is obliged to exercise authority in such a way as to ensure compliance with Acts of Parliament. In certain matters, the center is entitled to direct the provincial/state government and they are bound to honor the directives. The center could exercise absolute authority over provincial/state's administration in times of emergency. But, even otherwise, the center can exercise considerable control over administrative machinery of province/state through Indian Central Services and Pakistan's Central Superior Services, who are responsible to center for their actions. Governor of a province/state is appointed by the president and is responsible to him. The governor, under Indian Constitution does not have any real executive powers and is considered a ceremonial position. The position of a governor in Pakistan has been strengthened after the passage of 17th Constitutional Amendment, which gives him the power to dissolve the provincial assembly, subject to adjudication by the High Court.
There are provisions in both constitutions, which provide for the establishment of certain institutions meant to coordinate and regulate the relations between the provinces/states and the center. Under the Indian Constitution, the president can establish an Inter-State Council to investigate, discuss and make recommendations upon any subject in which some or all states or the center have common interests. The Council is also to make recommendations for better coordination of policy and action with respect to the subject that causes disputes between the center and states or between two or more states. According to the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan, there is a provision for the establishment of the Council of Common Interests (CCI), consisting of all provincial chief ministers and equal number of members nominated by the prime minister. The Council is to formulate policies regarding the matters enumerated in the second part of the federal list such as railways, minerals, oil and gas, industrial development etc. The Council is also entitled to consider all disputes relating to the allocation of water resources; any central or provincial law concerning the irrigation issues. It may refer the matter to the president with the request that a special commission should be formed comprising technocrats to deal with the issue in hand. The commission will submit its report to the Council, which would decide the matter in the light of commission's report.

Financial Relations
In financial field too, under both constitutions, the center is more powerful than the state/province. In fact the states/provincial governments are heavily dependent on the center for their development plans. No province/state can afford to function without the active support of the central government. Division of subjects contained in both constitutions is such that center has all the important sources of revenues under its jurisdiction. According to Indian Constitution, the center is empowered to levy and collect taxes on items which are shared between the center and states, such as income, agriculture and duties on excise etc. The taxes on items such as succession to property, terminal taxes on goods carried by railways, airforce or navy, transactions in stock exchange etc, are also collected by the center and are to be appropriated to states. Similarly, Pakistan's Constitution also allows the center to levy and collect all important taxes i.e. income other than agriculture, mineral, oil and natural gas etc, and duties on customs, export and excise. The principal sources of income for the provinces are land revenue and tax on agricultural income, luxuries etc.
In both countries, the constitutions also incorporate the provisions to set up finance commissions for allocating the resources to states/provinces and center and fixing the federal grants in aid to the state/provincial governments. The commissions are to be reconstituted by the central government after regular intervals.
Having considered the constitutional provisions in relation to provincial autonomy, it is clear that both constitutions contain centralizing tendency. However, in Pakistan the issue of provincial autonomy has generated a continuing debate. It has posed serious challenges to its stability. The trend towards centralization does not hurt much if it is consensual and democratic. These attributes in Pakistan, as compared to India, are lacking. Indian political system represents a continuation of democratic and participatory institutions and processes. In case of Pakistan, centralization has been accompanied by an authoritarian and non-participatory political and economic management. This deprived the provinces to have an effective voice in the system. The authoritative attitudes result in wide gap between constitutional structures and political practices. The institutions like Council of Common Interests (CCI) and National Finance Commission (NFC) are not constituted regularly and if constituted, they are not called to meet and settle the issues.
Another factor, which adversely affected the federation of Pakistan, is the issue of Punjabi domination. A clear edge of Punjab over other provinces in respect of education, industry, human resources, and representation in civil and military services, causes resentment in the smaller provinces. They perceive the increase in center's authority as an increase in Punjab's strength, because of Punjab's domination in civil and military bureaucracy. This sense of insecurity has strengthened due to frequent disruption of democratic process by military take-overs and with the weakening of democratic and participatory institutions.

President and Cabinet
In a parliamentary system, the cabinet headed by the prime minister is an instrument of executive power. Great Britain served as the model for the countries, which opted for this form of government. This system provides that the president's position as the head of the state should be one of great authority and dignity but at the same time strictly 'constitutional'. He represents the nation but does not rule the nation. He is generally bound by the advice of ministers. The Indian Constitution follows this principle by making the office of president strictly 'constitutional'. Indian president has been endowed very wide and far-reaching powers but at the same time, he is bound to act in accordance with the advice tendered by the council of ministers. Originally, he was not bound by the advice of ministers but 42nd Constitutional Amendment, which was introduced by the Congress Party in 1975, and passed by the Parliament in 1976, made it obligatory on the part of the president to act on the advice of the council of ministers. The Amendment was meant to strengthen the position of the prime minister vis-à-vis the president. So to speak, the executive authority of the Indian federation is now exercised in the name of the president but on ground, by the cabinet led by the prime minister. The president, subject to the advice of the council of ministers is entrusted with various legislative, administrative and judicial functions. He is to convene, prorogue and adjourn parliament, can dissolve the lower house and all bills passed by the Parliament must receive his assent. He is also empowered to issue ordinances. Nevertheless, he exercises all these powers only on the advice of the council of ministers. Similarly, subject to the advice of the cabinet, the president is also entrusted with certain executive powers. The key appointments, such as Attorney General, Comptroller General, Heads of Armed Forces, members of several statutory bodies and commissions are made by him. He is also empowered to proclaim emergency and suspend the state government. He can grant parden, reprieve or suspend sentence passed by court, subject to the advice of the cabinet.
In Pakistan, position of the president under the original 1973 Constitution was very weak. He, like his Indian counterpart, was a ceremonial head of the state. Similarly, he was entrusted with wide range of executive, legislative and judicial powers, subject to the advice of the cabinet, led by the prime minister. The federal cabinet headed by the prime minister exercised the executive authority in his name. The prime minister was the chief executive and enjoyed all powers. But the situation drastically changed with the passage of Eighth Constitutional Amendment in 1985.
Accordingly, the president attained certain discretionary powers including the power to dissolve the National Assembly, if in his opinion; the government could not be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the constitution. He could also appoint chiefs of armed forces in his discretion. He also had discretionary powers to appoint the provincial governors in consultation with the prime minister. The Amendment compromised the spirit of parliamentary form of government. It introduced the 'presidential discretion' without an appropriate mechanism for checks and balances, which resulted in grave political instability (from 1988 to 1996, four assemblies were dissolved by the president). This position was changed when the Thirteenth Constitutional Amendment was introduced in 1997. It omitted Article 58(2) (b); inserted in the constitution by the Eighth Amendment. Thirteenth Amendment took away the discretionary powers to dissolve the National Assembly from the president, making him once again titular head of the state. His discretionary powers to appoint the chiefs of armed forces were also taken away. However, the Seventeenth Amendment (2003) once again made the office of the president powerful. Under the existing Constitution (as amended) the president regained the powers to dissolve the National Assembly, albeit with modification; now the president is required to refer his action to the Supreme Court of Pakistan, within fifteen days of the dissolution of the National Assembly and the Supreme Court will have to decide the reference within thirty days and its decision will be final. The president also has the powers to appoint chiefs of armed services, in consultation with the prime minister.
In India, the president has always acted as the constitutional head of the state and never showed any inclination to increase his powers due to several reasons. From the very beginning, this tradition was strongly entrenched in the system. In the early days of political governance, there were no differences between the Congress Party that ruled the country and the president, who had not much to meddle in the national affairs; the government's decisions were accepted at all levels. The Party institutions were strong enough not to allow anyone to disregard Party policies and plans. The strong constitutional traditions also help to strengthen parliamentary norms. In Pakistan, these trends were never embraced. It had to face political turmoil from the very beginning. The Muslim League did not establish itself as an organized political party at central and provincial levels. It could not develop a consensus building mechanism to resolve internal conflicts. This resulted into factionalism within the party cadres and generated authoritarian trends in the system. Secondly, the Indian political history shows that the political parties selected only those persons as candidates to the office of the president who were politically non-ambitious and had no strong and long political career behind them. In Pakistan, the office of the head of the state with some exceptions remained with persons who aspired to become the center of power, thereby creating a situation of confrontation. The supremacy of the Parliament is a cardinal principle of a parliamentary system of government. The Indian Parliament can pass any law within its constitutional

Supremacy of Parliament
Competence and the president/executive has a limited power to veto legislation which can be overruled by the parliament. Nevertheless, in actual practice, the legislative initiative belongs to the cabinet and ruling party's majority generally enables it to get through without much difficulty. Strict party discipline does not allow the members to go against the wishes of the party leadership. Its powers are also checked by delegated legislation. Under this system, the broad lines are laid down by the parliament, whereas the executive works out details. It has strengthened the hands of bureaucracy. Another factor that undermines the supremacy of the Indian Parliament is the ordinance making powers of the president. Such an ordinance is to be laid before the Parliament and shall cease to operate at the expiration of six weeks from the reassembly of the Parliament. Since the inauguration of the Constitution, these presidential ordinances have been promulgated several times.
In Pakistan, the parliamentary system also suffers from the same constraints as the president of Pakistan is empowered to promulgate ordinances. This provision was basically designed to meet the needs of emergencies but in Pakistan, it has become a rule rather than exception. The executive's power to issue ordinances has become a restraint on the legislative powers of the Parliament. It also generates apathy and indifferent attitude on the part of members of the Parliament who instead of focusing their attention on their primary function of legislation for the public, have been engaged in political maneuvering. It can be judged from the fact that certain ordinances laid before the Parliament are allowed to lapse and are promulgated repeatedly.
Another check on the authority of the Parliament stems from the Islamic identity of the state. Theoretically, Parliament in Pakistan does not enjoy absolute sovereignty; the Objective Resolution which has been made a part of the Constitution provided that “sovereignty over entire universe belongs to Allah Almighty alone and authority which He has delegated to the state of Pakistan, through its people for being exercised within the limits prescribed by Him is a sacred trust”. This provision is reinforced through the establishment of Federal Shariat Court. The Court has the jurisdiction to examine that whether or not any law passed by the Parliament is repugnant to the injunctions of the Holy Quran and Sunnah. Initially, the role of the Court was limited but it has extended over the years.

Civil - Military Relations
Military dominates politics in most of the third world courtiers. India and Pakistan were ideologically different states but shared same military heritage at the time of independence. The military in British India served as its strong shield, but avoided an active involvement in politics and largely accepted the principle of supremacy of civilian government. The Indian military retained this tradition but Pakistan reflected a major shift. The Indian army is an outstanding example of an 'apolitical and professional force, almost a bureaucratic instrument of state policy' (despite its huge size and resources). On the other hand, Pakistan's army, due to various reasons, acquired the status of the most 'formidable and autonomous political actor', determining the national policies as well as priorities.
Generally constitutions restrict military's role to its professional field only. However, in case of Pakistan, over the period of time, military has acquired a political role. Since General Zia-ul-Haq's military rule, there were attempts to provide a legal or constitutional cover to the military's role in the politics and governance of Pakistan and a model of Turkish Constitution was aspired in this regard. An extended role for military was advocated on the plea that the military of Islamic Republic of Pakistan was not only responsible for the defence of territorial boundaries of the state but of its ideological frontiers as well. The proponents of this assertion argued that it's a prime duty of armed forces of Pakistan to “ensure that Pakistan's Islamic identity was protected and Pakistani society developed on Islamic lines.” (Hasan Askari Rizvi. (2000) Military, State and Society in Pakistan, New York: St.Martin's Press, p181). Thus the military sought a constitutional role in the national affairs through the establishment of National Security Council (NSC). But political forces resisted this effort. The proposal for setting up the NSC as laid down in the Revival of the Constitution Order (RCO), March 1985, was dropped when the Parliament approved the RCO in the form of the Eighth Constitutional Amendment in 1985. Recently, Legal Framework Order (LFO), August 2002 issued by the military regime again included the provision for establishment of the NSC, headed by the president; however later the Seventeenth Constitutional Amendment omitted this provision. Nevertheless, through an Act of Parliament, NSC has been established and its membership includes Services' Chiefs along with civil representation. The Council is supposed to give recommendations on internal and external security matters. The supporters of NSC argue that the same institution has also been incorporated by the Indian political system. However their argument is invalid as Indian NSC is basically a decision facilitating body to assist and advise the prime minister. It is a 'five tier' body with a six member committee headed by the prime minister at the top of the structure. At this level, the armed services are not given any representation; denying their participation in the decision making process. In addition, the Indian NSC consists of a Secretariat, Strategic Policy Group (SPG), National Security Advisory Board (NSAB) and a National Security Advisor. It was established in November, 1998, through an Executive Order and does not enjoy constitutional protection (Dr. Subash Kapila, India's National Security.
To conclude, military interference in Pakistan's politics hashad different forms, ranging from assumption of direct control and authority of the state by displacing the civilian governments (Oct 1958, March 1969, July 1977, Oct- 1999) to its manipulation of state affairs through collaboration with civil bureaucracy. The Indian military on the other hand, plays a remarkably small role in shaping of even security and defence related policies and it virtually has no role in shaping the policies outside this area. The Indian Constitution vests “the supreme command of defence forces of the Union” in the president but he is obliged to be “regulated by law” and defecto control is vested in the council of ministers led by the prime minister. Conventions established over the years ensured that “aid and advice” given by the council is authoritative and no president has ever attempted to exercise independent command over armed forces. A Sub-committee of Cabinet for Defence, now known as Political Affairs Committee, usually formulates Indian defence policies. The chiefs of armed forces are not the members but may be invited to attend the meetings. With the increase in the ministerial membership of the cabinet committee, the actual participation of Services chiefs has become more diffused as there is a tendency not to invite them even when defence matters are under consideration. Therefore, the constitutionally determined role for Indian army is quite narrow and it provides a check on attempts to politicise the military.



Constitutional Amendments
Every modern constitution provides some mechanism for its change as the maintenance of status quo results in stagnation and degeneration. However, the procedure for changing the constitution is often more difficult than ordinary legislation so that the constitution is not changed without due considerations and consensus. This is done to ensure stability and continuity of the political system. Both Indian and Pakistani Constitutions strive to provide a balance between the requirements of change and the imperatives of stability. They are semi rigid or semi flexible constitutions. However, they follow different methods for amendments.

Methods of Amendments in the Constitution of India
The Indian Constitution is divided into four sections for amendments:
1. Section 1 deals with important matters such as the creation of new states by altering the existing boundaries of states and abolition of second chambers of state legislatures. The provisions concerning these matters can be amended with simple parliamentary majority and state legislature's approval is required.
2. Section 2 deals primarily with fundamental rights enumerated in the Constitution. It can be amended by two third majority of the Parliament.
3. Section 3 deals with the fundamentals of government such as the office of the president, prime minister and the powers of Supreme Court etc. Amendments to this Section require not only two third majority of the Parliament but also need ratification from majority of states' legislatures.
4. Section 4 states that the state assembly has also a power to amend certain constitutional provisions by simple majority, which primarily relates to salaries and allowances of ministers, speaker, deputy speaker etc of that state's legislature.
In each of the aforesaid cases, the amendments can be initiated only by an introduction of a bill in either house of the Parliament and must receive the assent of the president. Since the inauguration of the Indian Constitution, eighty-six amendments have been introduced.

Methods of Amendments in the Constitution of Pakistan
Under the 1973 Constitution, the proposal to amend the constitution can be initiated in any house and should be approved by two third majority of both houses of the Parliament. It is then, presented to the president for his assent, who within 30 days must give his assent or send it back to the Parliament. Neverthless, this partial veto can be overcome by a simple majority of the Parliament in a joint session. Any bill, which is to alter the boundaries of a province, however, should also be ratified (unlike India) by the respective provincial assembly with its two third majority.
So far, seventeen amendments have been introduced in the Constitution of Pakistan.
The real difference between Indian and Pakistan's system regarding amendments lies in the implementation of a constitutional provision. Whereas, in India, the constitutional procedure is strictly followed in letter and spirit, Pakistan has witnessed extra-constitutional tampering. Theoretically speaking, no individual is entitled to amend the constitution. But Pakistan's constitutional history narrates different story. Since the inauguration of 1973 Constitution, the country has experienced two military governments and under these regimes, the Constitution was held in abeyance. Before reviving it the military governments enforced the constitutional packages, making extensive changes in the original text of the Constitution without following the procedure for amendment as laid down in it. Two most important amendments (8th &17th) that have affected the substance and spirit of the parliamentary form of governance were introduced to legitimize far reaching constitutional changes by the respective military rulers. These changes were made on the plea that Supreme Court gave them the right to amend the constitution under the doctrine of necessity. These amendments are briefly discussed below.

Eighth Amendment
On March 02, 1985, General Zia-ul-Haq (then President and Chief Martial Law Administrator) issued an ordinance, known as the Revival of the Constitution 1973 Order (RCO), which made fundamental changes, making significant departures from the original concepts of the Constitution. The RCO was made a part of the Constitution, which was later passed by the Parliament with some changes in November 1985. It gave protection to the presidential orders issued during 1977 to 1985, while the Constitution was in abeyance. It changed the parliamentary nature of the Constitution by giving certain discretionary powers to the president.

Seventeenth Amendment
Similarly, General Pervez Musharaf (President and Chief Executive of the Military Government) issued a decree, entitled 'the Legal Framework Order (LFO) in August 2002; introducing significant changes in the existing Constitution. LFO elevated the status of the president by giving him powers to dissolve the National Assembly and appoint the chiefs of armed forces. The issue of LFO, however, generated heated controversy. The main stream opposition political parties, PPP and PML (N) in the Parliament joined hands on the opposition of LFO. They questioned the legitimacy of president's authority to amend the Constitution in his discretion. They demanded the Parliament's endorsement of the amendment before it became a part of the Constitution. They argued that even RCO introduced by General Zia had to seek Parliament's approval before becoming a part of the Constitution through the 8th Amendment. The MMA initially also pursued a hard line policy but afterwards agreed to compromise. After long drawn negotiations between the government and MMA on the LFO, an agreement to resolve the LFO controversy was signed. Another leading opposition group the ARD stayed away from the dialogue and the agreement. In accordance with the government-MMA agreement, 17th Constitutional Amendment was passed by the Parliament on December 29, 2003. It is worth noting that opposition's demand and argument that LFO must receive parliamentary endorsement before it was made the part of the Constitution was not accepted. The 17th amendment bill proceeded 'from the premise that LFO had become the part of the Constitution already and the presented bill only modified certain provisions of LFO'. The passage of the 17th Amendment Bill represents that MMA accepted the LFO as part of the Constitution even without the formal approval by the Parliament in exchange of some changes in it through 17th Amendment. No such example is found in Indian constitutional history.

Conclusion
Constitution is a body of rules or precedents governing the affairs of state. It establishes the structure and purpose of an organization and rights of citizens. India and Pakistan started with same constitutional heritage but after independence, they embarked on remarkably different directions of political and constitutional development. Indian experience represents constitutional continuity and stability since the introduction of its Constitution in January 1950. Pakistan has gone through many ups and downs. It has experienced four constitutions; its existing Constitution (1973) has also under gone various changes, altering the very nature of it. A comparative study of the Indian and Pakistani Constitutions in five areas: provincial autonomy, president's relations with the cabinet, supremacy of the Parliament, civil- military relations and constitutional amendments shows that Indian political system has been established on the basis of democratic parliamentary norms. President's office is strictly 'constitutional' and real executive powers are vested in the council of ministers headed by the prime minister. The issue of provincial autonomy, due to democratic and participatory institutions and processes did not pose serious threat to national solidarity. Whatever problems arose, these are settled within the framework of the constitution. The civil-military relations have developed in a way that ensures civilian primacy over military establishment and Parliament's authority in brining amendments to the constitution is an established rule. Pakistan's constitutional history on the other hand shows constitutional breakdown and inconsistencies. Under the 1973 Constitution, a parliamentary form of government was envisaged but different amendments introduced in the constitution changed its substance and spirit, tilting the balance in favor of the president. The issue of provincial autonomy is becoming serious, partly due to centralizing trends introduced by the Constitution but mainly because of frequent disruptions of democratic and participatory processes and institutions. Military establishment has expanded its influence in the society and is major determinant of national policies. Its role is now institutionalised through the National Security Council. The authoritarian trends are dominant regarding the constitutional amendments. Formal constitutional procedures were ignored by military regimes while introducing amendments. Even civilian leaders were not averse to introduce changes in the Constitution to accommodate their vested political interests. The authoritarian attitudes reflected their disregard for parliamentary norms and spirit.

Saturday, March 15, 2014

Status of Muslim Women

Women have generally been subjected to stiffling oppression and stultifying suppression, resulting in their subordination throughout the history irrespective of  socio-economic, demographic and religious differences. The inferior status assigned to women is a result of social evaluation of her biological activities of child bearing and child rearing as the only one’s appropriate to her which give fulfillment in life. The stereotypes are formed on the basis which become part of cultural tradition which validate and justify their inferior status and account for their dependency discrimination and degradation.

Since men and women considered as two wheels of vehicles of a society, both wheels should work equally to move the vehicle of society. Women constitute approximately half of the world’s population yet they are placed at various disadvantageous positions due to gender differences. They have been victim of violence, exploitation and discrimination. Throughout the world women are still relegated to second class status that makes them more vulnerable to abuse and less able to protect themselves from discrimination. History has evidences that woman have been regarded as the properties of men.

The modern age is the age of transformation in the status of women all over the world. Women struggled towards new freedom and identities. This age witnessed a surge of consciousness, a proliferation of women’s organization and global conferences and the movement of millions of women towards the process of modernization.

Index of modernization of any society is the position of its women vis-à-vis men, the more balanced the opportunity structure for men and women, the large the role women have in society and consequently the higher their status. In a developing society it is essential that both men and women play equal and important role in the development efforts. Improvement in inferior status of women, therefore, is necessary for modernization and development.

            In 1973 the Percy Amendment to U.S. foreign Assistance Act required that U.S. bilateral aid should pay particular attention to promote and project integrating women into development efforts.

The U.N. International Year 1975, Decade for women 1976-1985; and U.N. conference in Mexico city, Copenhagen; Nairobi, Beijing all nourished the international connection among women.

The women and development lobby have put pressure on National Government to recognize the role of women in combating poverty, illiteracy and high birth rate Governments have also been invited to eliminate all forms of discrimination based on  sex.

Inspite of various ameliorative efforts for the improvement in the status of women their condition has not improved much. The U.N. Report on Women in 1995-1996 clearly states that “The world’s 2.8 billion women remain humanity’s largest marginalized group”.

In 1979 the United Nation adopted the convention on the elimination of all form of discrimination against women. (CEDAW). This is known as the international Bill of women’s right.

In 1980 U.N. Report it was reported that women constitute half of the world’s population, perform nearly two third of its work hours, receive one tenth of the world’s income and less than one hundredth of the world’s property. Statistics disclose that women comprise 66 percent of world’s illiterates and 70 percent of world’s poor.

In India the situation of women is very bleak. Women have been socially, economically, physically, psychologically and sexually exploited sometime in the name of religion and sometimes by the custom and tradition.

In 1931 Jawahar Lal Nehru accepted equal political and legal rights of women and introduced the concept of equal obligation alongwith equal rights in fundamental right resolution, passed by Congress in its Karachi session. Nehru held that without economic freedom other aspects of equality would be prove superficial. Women must therefore be trained to participate “In every department of human activity.”

The Indian constitution is known to be very comprehensive that recognize the ideal of equality, regards women as equal as men. Not only this women are accorded special protection keeping in view their age old discrimination. The following fundamental rights in the constitution are particularly important from the perspective of human rights of women. Article 14 provide equality before law. It also does not make any differentiation on the basis of caste, creed and sex. Article 37 empowers the state to enact special provisions for the progress of women.

The women’s question today is no longer an issue confined to the position of women within the family, but also their right to equality with men in different aspects of social life. It is a broader question regarding socio political and economic development. In spite of various protective measures provided by the constitution, women in India have not been emancipated from the age old tradition and customs and therefore they are unable to play any significant role in overall development. 

As Indian society is trying to combine an ancient civilization with the progress of modern laws, the role of women has been more important for the overall development of India.

Muslim women in India are potential catalyst for development. Their emancipation may be a crucial step in the development of community. Their present status by and large reflects the dominance of traditional attitude. An improvement in their present day status will not only contribute in the progress and modernization of the community but also the development and modernization of entire nation.

The literature on Indian women in general is characterized by three broad tendencies; it ignores Muslim women and considers their status a product of personal law and assumes a sameness in the status and form of oppression, cross community, first the problem of omission with some important exception & most studies take notice of Muslim women.

The minority location does qualitatively transform women’s experience and perception in a very distinct way and change in their status and role is central to understanding the development of the community.
And since Muslim are in minority in India, their women’s position is even worse because there is an attempt to safeguard the community identity that generally prevent Muslim women to participate in development processes. One manifestation of this is, as pointed out in one study, that majority i.e. 69.75 percent Muslim women do not want to educate their daughters beyond the primary level of education. Further many middle class women who have requisite qualifications are not allowed to seek employment because ‘community respectability’ is likely to get smeared. This has resulted in general backwardness of Muslims and particularly Muslim women in India.

Sachar Committee report also highlights the role of community identity for the status of Muslim women. I says, “Women in general are the torch bearers of community identity when community identity is seen to be under siege. It naturally affects women in dramatic ways, women sometimes of their own volition sometimes because of community pressure, adopt visible marker of community identity on their person and in their behaviour. The community and its women withdraw into the safety of familiar orthodoxies, reluctant to participate in the project of modernity which threatens to blur community boundaries. It was said that for a large number of Muslim women in India today the only safe place (both in term of physical protection and in term of protection of identity) is within the boundaries of home and community”.

Education
            Education has always played a very important role in every society. It makes an individual to internalize the value and norm of the society and simultaneously offers the specific skilled persons to serve different functions in society.

The role of education in facilitating social and economic progress is well accepted today. Improvement in education opens up opportunities leading to both individual and group entitlements.

Muslims are at a double disadvantage with low level of education combined with low quality of education: their deprivation increases manifold as the level of education rises. In some instances the relative share for Muslims is lower than that of schedule caste and schedule tribes who have been victim of long standing caste system.

Committee has also analyzed educational attainment and deprivation level on the basis of quantitative and qualitative dimensions. Following indicators have been used to analyze the educational status of Muslims’ (I) literacy rate (II) proportion completing specific level of education (III) Mean year of schooling (IV) enrollment rate.

To discuss the educational status of Muslims in general and Muslim women in particular the data produced in census of 2001 is the main source of information. The data produced by 61st Round of National Sample Survey Organization is used for analyzing the educational status of Muslims and comparison has been made among various socio-religious communities. According to 2001 census the overall literacy is 65 percent; male literacy rate is 75.3 percent and female literacy rate 53.7 percent. Literacy rate in rural area is 58.7 percent and in urban area it is 79.9 percent.

Census of 2001 also indicates that literacy rate among Muslim is low i.e. 59.1 percent. The literacy rate among Muslim women is 50 percent. It is also found that female literacy rate is very low and they are educationally more backward as compared to their male counterparts. In states like Andhra Pradesh where Muslim literacy rate is quite significant, it is 68 percent as compared to overall literacy rate of the state (61 percent). They have larger literacy deficit vis-à-vis the average condition prevailing in the state.
A comparison across socio religious communities both by gender and by place of residence also reveal constantly lower level of mean year schooling for the Muslims community. It was also explored that the differential in mean year schooling between Muslim boys and girls is higher irrespective of rural or urban population.

Although the census of 2001 does not provide the data related to enrollment of children, data provided by National Sample Survey Organization and National Council of Applied Economic Research, Human Development Survey (2004-05) has been used to analyze the rate of enrollment of all socio-religious communities. The committee has also utilized the data produced by 61st Round National Sample Survey Organization (2004-05) and it is compared with 55th Round National Sample Survey Organization (1999-2000) to estimate the changes in enrollment and attendance of children over a period of time. It was concluded on the basis of data that the enrollment ratio has increased in all socio-religious communities. But this advancement is low (65 percent) among Muslims as compared to schedule caste and schedule tribe (95 percent).

As far as the enrollment ratio of Muslim female is concerned no statistical data has been analyzed.
The aggregate attainment level of education among Muslim in rural areas is often lower than those of schedule caste and schedule tribes. This is essentially because of the educational attainment of Muslim women in rural areas is lower than those of schedule caste and schedule tribes. The attainment level of education worsens in relative terms  when one moves from lower to higher level of school education. This difference is quite obvious in gender and place of residence as far as the Graduate Attainment Rate (GAR) is concerned.

Since independence the gap between Muslim and other socio-religious communities is quite widened steadily to a significantly high level. In case of Muslim women in rural area the overall progress in graduate attainment is very low which indicates that the females in rural areas are more deprived from higher education, specially Muslim female are educationally more backward as compared to males.

Muslims lag behind in terms of graduate attainment rate as compared to schedule caste and schedule tribes. This gap is more wide between Muslim men and women as compared to other socio-religious communities. Therefore, Muslim women are far behind as compared to men.

As far as post graduate diploma course is concerned except in post graduate diploma courses the percentage of Muslim girls is lower than Muslim boys in all courses.

The drop out rate is high among Muslims, because there is common belief that Muslims parents feel that education is not important for girls and it may instill wrong set of values. Even if girls are enrolled they are withdrawn at an early age to marry them off. This lead to higher drop-out rate among Muslim girls. The other reason cited for the high drop out rate among Muslim girls is related with the non-availability of schools within easy reach for girls at lower level of education, absence of girl hostel, absence of female teacher and non availability of scholarship as they move up the educational ladder.

Economy and Employment
            Availability of employment provides an individual and his/her family with purchasing power enabling his/her to acquire subsistence as well as consumption goods to satisfy the basis needs, comforts and leisure.

            To summarize the economic and employment status of Muslim workers at all India level data of National Sample Survey Organization (61st round) has been used.

            The economic status has been discussed on following basis:
1.         Work participation and employment rate
2.         Type of enterprises Muslims are involved in and location of work.
3.         Industrial and occupational desirability of the work force.
4.         The level of earning security of employment and employment condition. 
Work Participation Rate

Work participation rate provide an idea of the extent of participation in economic activity by a specific population. As national ability to find work is a function of assets and opportunities of work available, women belonging to well endowed households may not participate in the work available, because there is no compelling economic need to do so.

The work participation rate among Muslims is lower as compared to other socio-religious communities both in rural and urban areas. Aggregate works participation rate in economic activity by women is low in Muslim community. The work participation rate among Muslim women is much lower than that of women belonging to upper caste Hindu households where there are hardly any socio-cultural constraints in work.

Overall, 44 percent of women in the prime age group of 15-64 years in India participate in work force while 85 percent of men do so. However, on an average the workforce participation rate among Muslim women is only about 25 percent. In rural areas, 70 percent of Hindu women participate in the workforce while only 29 percent of the Muslim women do so. Even upper caste Hindu women in rural area have a higher participation rate which stands at 47 percent. The lower participation of women in rural area is partly explained by the fact that Muslim in general and Muslim women in particular are less likely to engage in agriculture. The work participation rate for women in urban area is even lower (18 percent), presumably because work opportunities for women within the household are limited. Such opportunities may be somewhat higher in rural area with ownership (though limited) of land.

As far as concentration in self employment related activities is concerned Muslims have fairly high concentration in self employment activities. Muslims share constitute 61 percent as compared to 55 percent Hindus engaged in self employment.

Muslims have very low share in regular jobs in large private enterprise and this differential is very high between Muslims men and women. The share of Muslim male and female in regular works in public and large private sector jobs is quite low as compared to other socio-religious communities. As compared to other socio-religious communities much largest proportion of Muslims (including both male and female) work in self owned proprietary enterprises in rural area. Similar trend is also found in urban area.
Participation of women workers in women-owned proprietary enterprises is significantly higher for Muslims. This implies that the prevalence of own account enterprises run by women is higher among Muslims than in other socio-religious communities. Muslim women are mainly engaged in home based economic activity. They are typically engaged in sub-contracted works with low level of earning.

Muslim women workers undertaking work within their own homes is much larger as compared to other socio-religious communities, while the larger engagement in street vending highlights the higher vulnerability of Muslim workers. Concentration of Muslim women in household work is related with constraints that women face even today. Traditional barriers in many cases still prevent women from going out of their homes to work.

The trend is more specific to Muslim community which limits the scope of work women can undertake and they often get in to very exploitative subcontracting relationship. Moreover, women with responsibility for household duties find it difficult to work outside their homes .

Muslim men have lower earning as compared to Hindus. Women in Muslim community have very low earning in public sector too. Muslim worker have lower earning as compared to Hindu OBCs, schedule caste and schedule tribes.

Muslim men and women are engaged in inferior jobs such as clerical or class IV employee as compared to Hindu men and women. When we analyze the Table- 10.9 of the report we find a very clear picture about the distribution of female workers by place of work for each socio-religious communities.

The data show that Muslim women constitute 4.0 percent as compared to 3.2 percent Hindu OBCs who are not having fixed place of their economic activity, while majority of Muslims engaged in economic activity inside their own dwelling which constitute 66.8 percent as compared to 52.1 percent Hindu OBC’s. Muslim females constitute only 6.5 percent as compared 12.4 percent Hindu OBC’s as for as their own enterprise is concerned. More Muslim women are engaged (constituting 6.9 percent) in employee’s dwelling as compared to Hindu OBCs (constituting 5.4 percent).

To assess the profile of Muslim women in regard to education and economy the data presented in Sachar Committee Report has been analyzed. The findings of the committee show that Muslims are at double disadvantaged with low level of education combined with low quality of education. Muslim women are educationally backward, and the drop out rate is significantly high among Muslim women as compared to Hindu women and their Muslim male counterpart.

As far as economy and employment is concerned the work participation rate among Muslim is lower as compared to other socio-religious communities Muslim women work  participation rate is much lower than that of Hindu women. The concentration of Muslims is higher in self employment activities and this share is significantly high also among Muslim women. Muslim women have lower level of earning. Therefore, on the basis of information given in the report it may be concluded that in general Muslim are economically and educationally more backward and the condition of Muslim women is very bad as they are educationally and economically more backward as compared to Muslim men and Hindu women.                   

Monday, February 17, 2014

Historic Travels of India

Much of our knowledge of ancient and medieval Indian history comes from the accounts of foreigners who as pilgrims, travellers and traders crossed the seas and difficult land routes to reach India. In their writings on their observations and experiences of a country new and strange to them, they left valuable contributions to the historical understanding of early Indian society. As outsiders, they found worthy of mention facets and facts about the country that native writers missed or often simply took for granted and hence ignored. They acted, often unwittingly, as agents of civilization contact and exchange, bringing with them new ideas, skills and technologies, and returning, in turn, armed with new knowledge as the harbingers of cultural and intellectual change.


Greeks Travellers:
The Greeks who accompanied Alexander the Great in his Indian campaign, or travelled thereafter, recorded their encounters of this ‘mystical, magical’ land. Although much of their works were lost, the details percolated into subsequent Greek literature. The most notable of the Greek travellers was Megasthenes.

Megasthenes (BC 350 – 290):
The account of India written by Megasthenes is justly held to be almost invaluable for the light which it throws upon the obscurity of early Indian history. Though, unfortunately, not extant in its original form, it has nevertheless been partially preserved by means of epitomes and quotations to be found scattered up and down the writings of various ancient authors.

Chinese Travellers:
Chinese pilgrims played a key role in the exchanges between ancient India and ancient China. They introduced new texts and doctrines to the Chinese clergy, carried Buddhist paraphernalia for the performance of rituals and ceremonies, and provided detailed accounts of their spiritual journeys to India. Records of Indian society and its virtuous rulers, accounts of the flourishing monastic institutions, and stories about the magical and miraculous prowess of the Buddha and his disciples often accompanied the descriptions of the pilgrimage sites in their travel records.

Fa Hien or Faxian (AD 399 – 413):
Fa-Hien was the first Chinese monk to travel to India in search of great Buddhist scriptures. At the age of sixty-five, he travelled, mostly on foot, from Central China taking the southern route through Shenshen, Dunhuang, Khotan, and then over the Himalayas, to Gandhara and Peshawar.

Fa-Hien was about 77 years old when he reached back home. In AD 414 he recorded his travels in ‘Record of Buddhist Countries’ today known as the ‘Travels of Fa-Hien’. It is an excellent geographic account of his journey along the Silk Route and the first comprehensive eyewitness account of the history and customs of Central Asia and India. His account includes the description of local Buddhist monasteries, the approximate number of Buddhist monks in the region, the teachings and rituals practiced by them, and the Buddhist legends associated with some of these sites.

Hsuan-Tsang or Xuanzang (AD 629-645):
Born around AD 600, Hsuan-Tsang was ordained at the age of twenty. Like other Chinese pilgrims, one of Hsuan-Tsang’s primary reasons to undertake the arduous journey to India was to visit its sacred Buddhist sites. Dissatisfied with the translations of Indian Buddhist texts available in China, he also wanted to procure original works and learn the doctrines directly from Indian teachers.

In 629 A.D, at the age of twenty six, he commenced his journey across the Tarim basin via the northern route, Turfan, Kucha, Tashkent, Samarkand, Bactria, then over the Hindu Kush to India.

In the 14 years he remained in India, he stayed in Kashmir for two years, in Punjab for about a year and a half, at Nalanda for five years, in Magadha for two years, with the remaining years in the Deccan and South India.

Similar to Fa-Hien, Hsuan-Tsang narrated the Buddhist legends and miracles associated with the sites he visited and the Buddhist relics he saw. He explained the geography and climate, the measurement system, and the concept of time in India. He also narrated in detail the existing caste system, the educational requirements for the Brahmins, the teaching of Buddhist doctrines, the legal and economic practices, the social and cultural norms, the urban life and architecture, the eating habits of the natives, and the natural and manufactured products of India.

The success of Hsuan-Tsang’s mission is evident not only from the 657 Buddhist texts he brought back with him, but also from the quality of translations he undertook.

Islamic Travellers:
The Muslims, who came to India as travellers, merchants and writers in the early medieval age and those who learnt from them, had likewise developed a deep sense of respect for its wisdom and science, so much that they, despite their radically different religious culture did not criticize idolatry and polytheism but looked at them with benign curiosity and took a romantic view of Indian priests and saints. At the same time they learnt from India astronomy, mathematics and medicine, among other sciences.

Al Beruni (AD 973 - 1048):
Born near modern Khiva in Uzbekistan, Al Beruni was conversant with Turkish, Persian, Sanskrit, Hebrew, Syriac (Armenian) and Arabic in which he wrote, and excelled in astronomy, mathematics, chronology, physics, medicine, mineralogy and history.

He accompanied Mahmud of Ghazni to India and stayed on for thirteen years, observing, questioning and studying. The result was his monumental commentary on Indian philosophy and culture — Kitab fi tahqiq ma li'l-hind. Not for nearly 800 years would any other writer match Al-Beruni's profound understanding of almost all aspects of Indian life.

He read the major Indian religious and astronomical texts and highlighted parts of the Gita, the Upanishads, Patanjali, Puranas, the Vedas, the scientific texts by Nagarjuna, Aryabhata, etc. Al-Beruni also recorded some of the more egregious plundering by Mahmud of Ghazni, especially at Mathura and Somnath. For obvious reasons he didn’t explicitly denounce it though his text betrays a definite sense of lament. He wrote that Mahmud "utterly ruined the prosperity of the country, created a hatred of Muslims among the locals, and caused the Hindu sciences to retreat far away from those parts of the country conquered by us to places where our hands cannot yet reach".

Ibn Battuta (AD 1304–1368):
Abu Abdullah Muhammad Ibn Battuta was born at Tangier, Morocco in AD 1304. Starting out on a simple Hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca) at the age of twenty-five, Ibn Battuta wound up touring almost the entire Muslim world, from West Africa and Spain to China, India and the Maldives, a journey that spanned nearly thirty years. On his return to Morocco at the court of Sultan Abu 'Inan, Ibn Battuta dictated lengthy and pungent accounts of his journeys to Ibn Juzay which are known as the Rihla (literally, The Journey).

On account of the Rihla, Ibn Battuta is considered one of the greatest travellers of all time. He travelled more than 75,000 miles (121,000 km), a figure unlikely to have been surpassed by any traveller until the coming of the Steam Age some 450 years later.

Ibn Battuta's exact path through Afghanistan and the Hindu Kush is uncertain because he does not make it clear where along the Indus he came out. The Delhi Sultanate was a new addition to Dar al-Islam, and Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq had resolved to import as many Muslim scholars and other functionaries as possible to consolidate his rule. On the strength of his years of study while in Mecca, Ibn Battuta was employed as a qazi (judge) by the sultan.

Ibn Battuta devotes numerous pages to the lineage of the royal family, the history of the country, the details of a variety of elaborately choreographed court rituals, the wars and revolts preoccupying the sultan, his extensive gifts to religious and political men and his ceremonies entering and leaving the capital.

Tughlaq was erratic even by the standards of the time, and Ibn Battuta veered between living the high life of a trusted subordinate, and being under suspicion for a variety of treasons against the government. It took him years to reach his next intended destination, China, via Maldives, Ceylon (Sri Lanka) and Calicut.

Other Islamic Travellers:
Al Masudi, an Arab writer, visited India in the 9th century A.D. during the reign of Mihira Bhoja of Kanauj. His account gives information about the history of north India during that period.

Abdur Razzaq was a Persian who was sent by Shah Rukh as ambassador to the Zamorin of Calicut. In April 1443, Abdur Razzaq visited Vijayanagar during the reign of Devaraya II. He was overawed with the size and grandeur of the city of Vijayanagar. He wrote, “The city is such that eye has not seen nor ear heard of any place resembling it upon the whole earth”. His narrative supplies valuable information on the topography, administration and social life of Vijayanagar at that time.

European Travellers:
Prior to Marco Polo’s travel to India in the 13th century, Western ideas about Asia consisted of a whole tradition of myths and fables. It was only when travellers beginning with Marco Polo returned to Europe with factual reports of their explorations that a new dimension of realism entered medieval conceptions of the fabulous East.

By the 15th and 16th centuries more and more European travellers began to arrive in India for trade. They had heard of the great wealth in the East and wanted to cut out the Arab ‘middlemen’ with whom they had been doing business. The Portuguese were the first to find a direct trade route to India, arriving at the end of the 15th century. They were quickly followed by the English, who in addition to trade opportunities, found the prospect of travel and the ‘exotic’ unknown, very attractive. Travelogues, or travel diaries, were written by men wanting to capture all that they had seen that was new and strange to them

Marco Polo (AD 1292):
On his way from China to Persia, Marco Polo arrived on the Coromandel Coast of India in AD 1292 in a typical merchant ship with over sixty cabins and up to 300 crewmen. He entered the kingdom of the Tamil Pandyas near modern day Tanjore, where, according to custom, ‘the king and his barons and everyone else sat on the earth.’ He asked the king why they “do not seat themselves more honourably”. The king replied, “To sit on the earth is honourable enough, because we are made from the earth and to the earth we must return”. Marco Polo documented this episode in his famous book, The Travels, along with a rich social portrait of India.

Marco Polo described the place as “the richest and most splendid province in the world”, one that, together with Ceylon (Sri Lanka), produces “most of the pearls and gems that are to be found in the world”. He wrote that the climate was so hot that all men and women wear nothing but a loincloth, including the king — except his is studded with rubies, sapphires, emeralds and other gems. Merchants and traders abounded, the king took pride in not holding himself above the law of the land and people travelled the highways safely with their valuables in the cool of the night.

After the Eastern Coromandel Coast, Marco sailed up the Western Malabar Coast, but his observations were sparse, partly because most of the customs were similar. He noted the pepper and indigo plantations, incense, a date wine and further north, workshops for cotton and leather goods, shiploads of which went to the West every year.

Vasco Da Gama (AD 1460 - 1524):
Vasco da Gama was a Portuguese explorer who discovered an ocean route from Portugal to the East. He sailed from Lisbon, Portugal, on July 8, 1497. At the time many people thought that da Gama's trip would be impossible because it was assumed that the Indian Ocean was not connected to any other seas.

Da Gama rounded Africa's Cape of Good Hope on November 22, and after many conflicts with Muslim traders who did not want interference in their profitable trade routes, da Gama reached Calicut on May 20, 1498.

At first, da Gama and his trading were well-received, but this did not last for long. Da Gama left India on August 29, 1498, after he was told to pay a large tax and leave all of his trading goods. On his return to Portugal, he was treated as a hero and rewarded by the king.

King Manuel I of Portugal sent da Gama, now an Admiral, on his second expedition to India (1502-1503). On this trip da Gama took 20 armed ships (anticipating problems from Muslim traders). On this voyage, da Gama killed hundreds of Muslims, often brutally, in order to demonstrate his power. After King Manuel's death, King John III sent da Gama to India as a Portuguese viceroy, which turned out to be his final expedition. He died of an illness in India on December 24, 1524; his remains were returned to Portugal for burial.

Other European Travellers:
Francois Bernier, a Frenchman, arrived in India during the reign of Shah Jahan and worked as a court physician to the Emperor for 8 years. He observed proceedings in the Mughal court first hand, taking note of its ‘multinational’ community and attitude of religious tolerance. His accounts also capture the historical infighting between Shah Jahan’s four sons, all eager to take the throne after their father. This led to a brutal war which Bernier witnessed and writes of in his key work, ‘Travels in the Mogul Empire, A.D. 1656 –1668.’

Afonso de Albuquerque (14??-1515) was a Portuguese soldier and explorer who sailed from Europe around Africa to the Indian Ocean. He was appointed the Viceroy of India by King Emmanuel in 1509. He forcibly destroyed the Indian city of Calicut in January, 1510, and claimed Goa for Portugal in March, 1510.

Afanasii Nikitin (1466 – 1472), a merchant from the Russian city of Tver traveled through Persia to India and spent more than 18 months in the country. He left behind a detailed account of his stay in India and his experience of the famed Silk Road.

Wednesday, January 1, 2014

Nutrients





Carbohydrates
Carbohydrates are the body's main source of energy. There are three different kinds of carbohydrates. They include starch, sugar, and fiber. Starch is made from chains of small sugars. When these chains are broken down during digestion, we get energy. We get 4 calories from each gram of starch (or sugar). We do not get calories from fiber because our bodies do not break fiber down during digestion.
Plant foods like cereals, bread, rice, pasta, potatoes, plantains and corn are good sources of starch. They give us the energy we need to do daily activities. These starchy foods give us important vitamins and minerals, too.
Because carbohydrate-rich foods are usually low in calories, they can help us keep a healthy weight. When we add fat (like butter, sour cream or gravies) at the table or when we cook, we add extra calories and may gain weight.
Fat
Fat is a nutrient that is an important source of calories. One gram of fat supplies 9 calories - more than twice the amount we get from carbohydrates or protein. Fat also is needed to carry and store essential fat-soluble vitamins, like vitamins A and D. There are two basic types of fat. They are grouped by their chemical structure. Each type of fat is used differently in our bodies and has a different effect on our health.
When we eat a lot of high fat foods, we get a lot of calories. With too many calories, we may gain weight. Eating too much fat may also increase the risk of getting diseases like cancer, heart disease, high blood pressure or stroke. Health experts recommend that we should get no more than 30% of our calories from fat to reduce our risk of getting these diseases.
Fat is found in many foods. Some of the fat that we eat comes from the fat we add in cooking or spread on breads, vegetables or other foods. A lot of fat is hidden in foods that we eat as snacks, pastries or prepared meals.
We can reduce the amount of fat we eat by cutting down on the fat that we add in cooking or spread on foods. We can eat skim milk and low fat cheeses instead of whole milk and cheese. We can also use less fat, oil, butter, and margarine. Another way to cut down on fat is to drain and trim meats and take the skin off poultry. We can also read labels and compare the amount of fat in foods to make lower fat choices.
Protein
Most all the parts of our bodies are made from protein: hair, skin, blood, organs, and muscles. It is needed for cells to grow. It also repairs or replaces healthy cells and tissues. Protein in food gives us calories - 4 calories in one gram. If we do not get enough calories from fat and carbohydrates we may use protein for energy.
Protein is made of chains of amino acids. Amino acids are the building blocks of protein. Our bodies can make most amino acids. There are a few amino acids that we cannot make; so, we must get them from the foods we eat. They are known as "essential amino acids." Most foods that come from animals, such as fish, chicken, beef, pork, eggs, milk, cheese, and yogurt contain all of the essential amino acids. They are known as "complete" proteins. Plant foods, such as rice, dried beans, peas, lentils, nuts, seeds, wheat, oats, corn, may be low or lacking in one or more of the amino acids. They are considered to be incomplete proteins. Incomplete proteins can be mixed together to make a complete protein.
Cholesterol
Cholesterol is needed by our bodies for our cells, nerves and brain. It is also important in forming hormones and enzymes. We make all the cholesterol we need in our livers. We get cholesterol from the foods we eat, too. Since every animal has a liver, when we eat foods made from animal products (fish, eggs,chicken, milk, beef or cheese) we eat cholesterol. If we make too much cholesterol or eat too many foods that contain cholesterol or saturated fat, the level of cholesterol in the blood increases. The higher our blood cholesterol, the higher our chances of developing heart disease. Eating less fat, less saturated fat, and less cholesterol will all help lower blood cholesterol.
Cutting the amount of cholesterol we eat may only have a small effect on blood cholesterol. To cut down on cholesterol, we can eat more plant foods as sources of protein instead of meat. Eat legumes like black beans, lentils, black-eyed peas and kidney beans instead of meat and poultry.
Vitamin A
Vitamin A keeps your skin smooth and the linings of your mouth, nose, throat, lungs, and intestines healthy. Vitamin A is also needed for healthy eyes. It forms the part of the eye that helps you to see in dim light. People who do not get enough vitamin A may have a hard time seeing at night. This is called night blindness. Vitamin A may also help prevent certain types of cancer.
You can get vitamin A from both plant foods and animal foods. It is found in the fats and oils of these foods and is stored in the fat cells in your body. Dark orange and green vegetables and fruits like carrots, kale, turnip greens and other dark greens, broccoli, red and green peppers, pumpkin, sweet potatoes, winter squash, cantaloupe and peaches are all good sources of this vitamin. Animal foods, such as egg yolks, milk, cheese and liver are good sources, too.
B Vitamins
There are many different B vitamins, including thiamin, riboflavin, niacin, pyridoxine (B6), and cobalamin (B12). The B vitamins work together to help your body use the energy you get from food. Some B vitamins are also important in helping the body use protein from the diet to build new cells and tissues.
You can get enough of the B vitamins by eating a variety of foods from different food groups. Animal products like pork, liver, kidney, poultry, eggs and fish are the best sources of vitamin B6. Many plant foods like whole grain foods (brown rice, whole wheat bread and oatmeal) are good sources of pyridoxine. Some legumes and nuts like soy beans, peanuts and walnuts are other plant sources of this B vitamin.
Vitamin B12 is needed for healthy blood. It is found only in animal products. If you are a vegetarian and do not eat any animal foods like eggs, milk or cheese, you may need to take a supplement for this vitamin.
Niacin
Niacin is one of a group of vitamins called the "B vitamins." Niacin works with other B vitamins to help your body use the energy you get from food. It is also important to help use protein from the diet to build new cells and tissues.
Most kinds of meat, poultry and fish are good sources of niacin. "Enriched" grains, like breads, rice, pasta, cereals and other baked products are also sources of niacin.
Like other B vitamins, niacin is easily lost when foods are cooked or processed. When you cook rice or pasta, some of the niacin goes into the water. When you rinse rice or pastas you rinse off some of the vitamin. So to keep the niacin you need from these foods, it is important not to rinse the rice or pasta after you have cooked it. When you buy breads, cereals and other baked products, read the label to be sure it is "enriched" with niacin and other B vitamins.
Riboflavin
Riboflavin is one of a group of vitamins called "B vitamins." Another name for riboflavin is vitamin B2. Riboflavin works with other B vitamins to help your body use the energy you get from food. It also helps the body to use protein in food to build new cells and tissues.
Animal products, like milk, cheese, yogurt, beef and poultry, are good sources of riboflavin. Some green vegetables such as broccoli, turnip greens and spinach are good too. "Enriched" breads, rice, cereals and other baked products are also sources of riboflavin.
Like other B vitamins, riboflavin is easily lost when foods are cooked or processed. When you cook rice or pasta, some of the riboflavin goes into the water. When you rinse rice or pastas you rinse off some of this vitamin. So to keep the riboflavin you need from these foods, it is important not to rinse the rice or pasta after you have cooked it. When you cook vegetables, use only a small amount of water and keep the lid on the pan so that riboflavin and the other B vitamins are not lost. When you shop, look for breads, cereals and other baked products that are "enriched" with B vitamins like riboflavin.
Thiamin
Thiamin is one of a group of vitamins called the "B vitamins." Another name for thiamin is vitamin B1. Thiamin works with other B vitamins to help your body use the energy it gets from food.
Thiamin is found in many whole grain foods, such as brown rice, grits and whole wheat bread. White breads, pastas, ready-to-eat cereals and many other baked products are "enriched" by the manufacturer with B vitamins like thiamin. Baked beans, black beans, black-eyed peas, and peanuts are good sources of thiamin, too. Nuts, seeds and other vegetables, and fruits supply a small amount of this B vitamin. Lean pork is one of the best sources of thiamin. Organ meats such as liver, heart or kidney, are considered to be other good animal sources of thiamin.
Thiamin is easily lost when foods are cooked or processed. When you cook vegetables some of the B vitamins go into the water. If you cook vegetables in a small amount of water and keep the lid on the pan, thiamin and the other B vitamins will not be lost. When you rinse rice or pastas, you rinse off some of these vitamins. So to keep the thiamin you need from these foods, it is important not to rinse the rice or pasta after you have cooked it.
Vitamin C
Vitamin C helps form a cement-like material between our cells. We need vitamin C to heal cuts, wounds, and burns. When we don't get enough vitamin C the "cement" between cells loses its strength and can cause us to bleed easily. It may show up as bleeding gums or bruises. Getting enough vitamin C may also help in preventing certain types of cancer.
Vitamin C is found in many fresh fruits like the oranges, lemons, limes, grapefruit, cantaloupes, mangoes, papayas, and their juices. Vegetables such as bean sprouts, green peppers, plantains, broccoli and greens like kale and poke greens are also good sources of vitamin C.
Vitamin C is not stored in the body. When we eat too much of the vitamin we get rid of it in our urine. Therefore, we need some vitamin C every day.
Iron
Iron is a mineral that is an important part of our red blood cells. It is needed to carry oxygen from our lungs to our cells, muscles and organs. If we do not get enough iron, not enough oxygen will be delivered to our muscles and organs. Without enough oxygen, our muscles and organs cannot work properly and we will feel tired and weak.
Women are at risk of being iron deficient because they lose blood and iron during menstruation. Breastfeeding and pregnancy also increase a woman's need for iron.
We get a little bit of iron from a lot of different foods. The iron that we get from meat, poultry and fish is used easily by the body. Eggs, beef, pork, chicken, turkey, clams and oysters are all good sources of iron. Plant foods such as soybeans, lentils, kidney beans, spinach and leafy green vegetables, and flour contain iron, but it may not be absorbed as well as the iron found in meat. Iron from these foods is better absorbed when it is eaten with foods rich in vitamin C. It is best to get the iron we need from many different foods in our meals and snacks.
Calcium
Calcium is a mineral that is important for building strong bones and teeth. Almost all of the calcium we use in our bodies is for building strong bones. A very small amount is needed to help our heart, nerves and muscles work.
If we do not get enough calcium every day from the foods we eat, it is taken out of our bones. After many years of not getting enough calcium, our bones become very weak and brittle. Osteoporosis is the name of this disease. It can cause bones to break very easily and the jaw bone to shrink so teeth are lost. It can lead to curvature of the spine.
Older women are especially at risk for osteoporosis. By getting enough calcium from the food we eat all through our life, we can make sure our bones and teeth stay healthy.
One of the best sources of calcium is milk, and foods made from milk, like yogurt and pudding. Leafy green vegetables, tofu, and canned fish with bones are also good sources. Other foods, such as some brands of orange juice, have added calcium. We can read food labels to find how much calcium is in the foods we eat.
Sodium
Sodium is important for keeping a balance in pressure between the inside and outside of our cells. Too much sodium can lead to high blood pressure. High blood pressure may increase the risk for having a heart attack or stroke.
We can get some sodium, naturally, in foods, like milk and fresh vegetables. Most sodium in our diets comes from salt we add to foods during preparation or processing. We may also add salt and salty sauces to food at the table.
When we use less sodium and salt our liking for salty foods decreases over time. To cut down on sodium we can:
  • Read labels to find food with less sodium.
  • Taste foods before adding salt and then add less salt during cooking and at the table.
  • Use spices for flavoring instead of salt.
  • Use garlic or onion powder instead flavored salts like garlic salt or onion salt.
Folic Acid
Folic acid is important for making blood and building cells. It is also called folate or folacin. Folic acid is found in many food groups in the Food Guide Pyramid. Plant foods like leafy greens, broccoli, corn and whole grains are good sources of folacin. Cowpeas, lentils, kidney and navy beans are good sources, too. Some meat and milk products like eggs, liver, nuts, cheese, and milk are also ways to get this vitamin.
The need for folic acid increases during pregnancy because the fetus is constantly growing. If a pregnant woman does not get all the folic acid she and her baby need early in her pregnancy, the fetus will not develop properly. These babies may become deformed. Supplements with folic acid are usually given to pregnant women. Women who use oral contraceptives may also need extra folate.